This is the second in a series of articles highlighting the 250th anniversary of our nation’s independence, focusing on Albany County, New York, which, in 1776 stretched from Kingston north to Lake George. This series follows several articles published in 2025 under the title “1775: The First Year of Revolution,” also available at Saratoga250.com.

In the spring of 1776, the rebellion against British rule by the United Colonies experienced several turning points that would shape the course of the conflict. Albany County had a front row seat for these events, which set the stage for THE Turning Point of 1777 and the local experiences that followed in the struggle for independence.

After the failed attempt to capture Quebec City, and the death of General Richard Montgomery on the last day of 1775 (see 1775 article: The Invasion of Canada), the American army settled in for a winter siege outside the walled city under the command of Benedict Arnold. Four months later, British reinforcements arrived in two waves that sealed the fate of the American invasion of Canada. John Enys, an Ensign in the 29th Regiment of Foot, recounted the arrival of the first fleet on May 6.

We were no sooner on shore than we received orders to march out of the garrison. We left the town when to our great surprise the rebels had abandoned the place and that with so great a precipitation that they even left a field piece. Among other things that were found was the Commanding officer’s dinner which he had left at the fire.

This first wave was followed by a much larger British fleet that arrived at the end of May carrying 12,000 British and German soldiers including Major General John Burgoyne who would lead the ill-fated invasion of New York a year later.

While these British reinforcements were the immediate cause of the failed attempt to add Canada to the thirteen United Colonies, circumstances in the months after Montgomery’s defeat seems to have made that outcome inevitable.

The status of the American army was the first cause for concern. Just surviving through the Canadian winter, the invasion force was undermanned, undisciplined and sick. Overall commander of the invasion force Major General Philip Schuyler’s own health issues forced him to remain in Albany County. In a January 13th letter, he informed General Washington of the death of Montgomery and then summarized the situation.

I tremble for our people in Canada and nothing my dear sir seems left to prevent the most fatal consequences but our immediate reinforcement that is no where to be had but from you.

In reply, Washington understood the need but could not immediately satisfy it.

If I could be the happy means of relieving our fellow citizen now in Canada…but it is not in my power, since the dissolution of the old army. The progress of raising recruits for the new has been very slow and inconsiderable. In short, I have not a man to spare.

As a result of appeals to the Continental Congress and colonial governors, additional troops were secured and finally began traveling north during the winter over the frozen surfaces of Lake George and Lake Champlain. However, they moved in small groups, without proper supplies and, more importantly, without the leadership and discipline of Montgomery’s initial invasion force.  Schuyler lamented the result.

I am ashamed of the conduct of our troops. Tories and Whigs are indiscriminately the   object of plunder whenever a fair opportunity offers. Their ignorance and distain give the Canadians to much reason to complain of ill treatment.

Leadership of the Canadian campaign was another issue during 1776.  General Schuyler remained in New York conducting the campaign from Albany, Saratoga and Lake George. In Canada, Brigadier General David Wooster assumed command after Montgomery’s death. His relationship with Schuyler started off on the wrong foot in 1775 when the aging Connecticut General chaffed at his subservient role. In Montreal, he alienated many of the citizens there, both Loyalists and prospective allies. Benedict Arnold, wounded at Quebec, remained there on the siege lines  during the winter and in the spring exchanged locations with Wooster. Major General John Thomas was sent by Washington to take over for him but died of smallpox soon after arrival.  John Sullivan, who led the incursion into the Iroquois homeland three years later, oversaw the Americans retreat. These constant changes at the top added to the dysfunction of the campaign.

Preparing for the spring thaw, General Schuyler organized construction of a large fleet of bateaus under the supervision of a distant cousin. Hermanus Schuyler oversaw the construction of two boathouses at Fort George where a contingent of local carpenters familiar with the construction process turned out 100 bateaus by the end of March. 

With the breakup of the ice, additional reinforcements proceeded to Canada. Upon arriving at the siege lines around Quebec City, they found an army in disarray.  In March, Benedict Arnold reported that of his 2,500 men, over 600 were sick with smallpox. And the troops that had endured the year end attack were going home. In December, Montogomery had persuaded many to reenlist for four months. It was little wonder that newly arrived General John Thomas found these troops whose enlistments ended on April 15  “cannot be prevailed upon to continue longer in this country.”

However, the problems with the army were not the only – and arguably not the principal reason – for the failure of the first campaign of the Revolution. Much of the responsibility can be attributed to the inattention of the Continental Congress. While authorizing the creation of additional regiments to support the invasion, they were unable to provide the resources necessary for victory. Supplies, arms and ammunition were always in short supply, and the lack of specie to purchase the necessary equipment and finance Canadian militia units who opposed British rule doomed local support for the cause. 

General Schulyer, in addition to pleading with Congress for hard money for local operations, took it upon himself to provide financial support. In February, he advised General Wooster of his personal commitment to the cause.

I have with much difficulty and by giving my own security been able to raise £2,139 New York currency, which I will send you by Capt. Benson, as it is very uncertain when we will receive anything from Philadelphia. I will continue to procure as much more as I possibly can, and forward it to you as fast as collected.

Congress also overlooked another critical aspect of extending the revolution to Canada. In October 1774 the First Continental Congress had established the structure that would sustain the Revolution during the dark days of lost battles and failed campaigns. The Continental Association reached out to citizens throughout the thirteen colonies, encouraging them to make a choice between remaining within the British Empire or supporting the decisions of the Congress.  Committees were formed in counties and communities to rally support, first for resistance to British overreach, and later independence. (see 1775 articles). None of this ground level political activity was established in Canada for the prospective Fourteenth State.

Many leaders on the front lines of this campaign recognized this deficiency. During the initial stages of the campaign in the fall of 1775, General Montgomery pressured Congress to establish a committee to address the political issues which they did.  Led by Robert R. Livingston, Montgomery’s brother-in-law, in November they traveled through Albany to meet with Schuyler at Ft. Ticonderoga, offered little beyond moral support, and promptly headed back to Philadelphia without offering plans for solidifying any commitment from the Canadians.

Schuyler was incensed and in February pressed Congress once again.

I dare confidently venture to prophecy that unless a respectable Committee of Congress be with all expedition sent to Canada, our affairs will not only greatly suffer, but that, in all probability we shall lose the affections of the Canadians. 

This time, Congress agreed to appoint a first-string committee, led by Benjamin Franklin himself. Other members included notables Samuel Chase, Charles Carroll and his cousin, Father John Carroll, from Maryland. As Catholics, the Carrolls were expected to be influential with Canada’s French Catholic population.

Unfortunately, a month passed while the commissioners waited for their instructions from Congress, which they finally received on March 20th. Long on concepts but short on specifics, they were to

Press them to have a complete representation of the people assembled in convention, with all possible expedition, to deliberate concerning the establishment of a form of government, and a union with the United Colonies.

They left Philadelphia on March 29 and arrived in Albany on April 8 where Schuyler joined them. Together, they proceeded to the General’s Saratoga estate waiting for the frozen lakes to thaw. Reports from Canada told of the deteriorating situation there and Franklin was not optimistic, writing to John Hancock “I am afraid that we shall be able to effect but little there.” Finally meeting with Benedict Arnold in Montreal on April 29 they immediately were confronted with the lack of specie. The ferry hired to take them across the St. Lawrence River would not accept paper money. The commissioners minced no words in their first report back to Congress on May 6.

If hard money cannot be procured and forwarded with dispatch to Canada, it would be advisable, in our opinion, to withdraw our army and fortify the passes on the lakes to prevent the enemy from making depredations on our frontiers.

Unknown to them at the time, this report was written on the same day that British reinforcements began arriving at Quebec. The final collapse happened quickly. The commissioners left after a 10-day visit and the invading American army fell back to Sorel where the Richelieu River joins the St. Lawrence. However, under the mistaken belief that Trois-Rivieres was lightly held, on June 7th General John Sullivan ordered an attack on the town midway between Montreal and Quebec.  Not realizing that the second, and larger, British fleet including General Burgoyne had just arrived there, the Americans were routed and over 200 were captured.

From that point, the race was on to withdraw from Canada as fast as possible, just avoiding the oncoming British army as they abandoned Chambly and St. John, which had been hard won in the fall invasion. Brigadier General Arnold supervised the retreat and left Canada in the last bateau.

The battle was lost but the war had just begun.  Harbingers of the difficulty of future British efforts to invade New York are found in the journal of William Digby, a Lieutenant in the 53rd regiment of Foot who arrived with Burgoyne’s fleet. 

Thus was Canada saved with much less trouble than was expected. How to pursue them over Lake Champlain was our next thought, and the tediousness that threatened our operations necessary for so great an expedition was far from pleasing.

As might be expected, the Canadian campaign occupied much of the time and effort of Schuyler, and Albany patriot leadership during the first six months of 1776. However, another situation closer to home may have had an even greater long-term impact on local citizens of both Albany and Tryon County to the west in the Mohawk valley. 

Sir William Johnson who had appointed his nephew Guy Johnson his successor as Indian Commissioner prior to his death in 1774, fled to Canada in June 1775, leaving behind William’s son John as the families’ patriarch. The Johnson’s allegiance to the British cause was backed up by their support among the Iroquois, especially the Mohawk nation. In addition, they could count  on several hundred Scotch-Irish tenant farmers, recently brought to America by Sir William.  Although the Mohawks had pledged neutrality during conferences the previous year, the Tyron County patriots were in constant fear of an uprising in the valley. (see 1775 article: The Iroquois Dilemma)

In late December 1775, the Continental Congress received intelligence that a quantity of arms and ammunition were concealed in Tryon County and advised General Schuyler “to take the most speedy and effectual measures for securing the arms and military stores, and for disarming the tories, and apprehending their chiefs.”  The Albany Committee agreed to immediately send 700 militiamen westward to confront John Johnson. In attempting to avoid an open fight, Schuyler notified both the Mohawks and Johnson of their mission and proposed a meeting to negotiate a settlement. An agreement was reached, Schuyler entered Johnstown and his tenants gave up their arms. The Baronet himself was paroled and his travel restricted.

This uneasy truce lasted for four months. In late April the Albany Committee informed Schuyler that Johnson was recruiting loyalists to take up arms against Patriots in the valley. Vowing to thwart the “diabolical designs of those miscreants”, he prepared to meet force with force. The General redirected elements of the 3rd New Jersey regiment led by Colonel Elias Dayton to march west to Johnstown to capture Sir John and his Scottish Highlander followers.

Interestingly, in a May 13th letter to Johnson, Schuyler, after revealing he was aware of his activities, told him exactly what he intended to do.  

It is therefore necessary for the Public safely of the inhabitants that I should put it out of your power to embroil them in domestic confusion and have therefore ordered you to be made a close prisoner, hereby discharging you from your parole, and sent down to Albany to be thence conveyed to his Excellency General Washington.

By warning Johnson, Schuyler may have been hoping to avoid a fight with not only Johnson’s Loyalists, but with the Mohawks who the General had been endeavoring to keep neutral. Given their connections to the Johnson family, both groups were sure to side with the British once Sir John finally declared his loyalty to the Crown.

 Forewarned, on May 19 Johnson left precipitously with about 200 tenants, leaving behind their families including his wife, who was home to greet Dayton’s regiment when they arrived at Johnson Hall. Mrs. Johnson was brought to Albany and later given a pass and eventually rejoined her husband in New York City later in 1776. 

While there, an incident occurred that illustrates the complexity of military leadership in any conflict.  Several of Dayton’s officers were accused of plundering Johnson Hall.  Lieutenant McDonald was singled out, found guilty and cashiered from the service. Schuyler sought the opinion of Washington about the higher-ranking officers.

As I was apprehensive that a public conviction of so many officers would reflect too much disgrace on our troops…permit me therefore to entreat your opinion, whether it would be prudent for me to accept the concessions they offer…and thus to bury the affair, or whether I ought to have them tried.

To his credit, Washington suggested that the Court Martial should proceed. At a November trial in Albany, the charges were found “malicious and groundless” and the officers were acquitted. Apparently, Schuyler’s concerns were shared by the military tribunal.

Attached to the Continental Army, the 3rd New Jersey nominally reported to General John Sullivan the last American commander in Canada. However, Schuyler prevailed on him to keep the Jersey men in the Mohawk Valley, fearing that Johnson might be lurking in the area set on retaliation, and to round up Loyalists left behind.

In fact, Johnson had headed north, led by Mohawk guides who skirted around the Americans busy outposts at Fort George, Fort Ticonderoga and Crown Point. After a month suffering in the Adirondack wilderness, they arrived in Montreal on June 19 and became the nucleus of the King’s Royal Regiment. The die had been cast. Together with Iroquois warriors led by Joseph Brant, brother of Sir William Johnson’s wife Molly Brant, the KRR would wreak havoc on the New York frontier for the remainder of the War.

1776 will rightfully always be celebrated as our Year of Independence, and the 1777 victory at Saratoga, the great Turning Point of the war. On a national scale, there is no argument about that. However, on the farms and in the villages of upstate New York the turning points of 1776 would bring into focus both the meaning and the consequences of Independency.

Sources:

Benedict Arnold’s Navy, James L. Nelson, 2006

Citizen Soldier: The Revolutionary War Journal of Joseph Bloomfield, Edited by Mark Lender and James Kirby Martin, 2018

Journal of Lieut. William Digby, in The British Invasion from the North, 1887

Letters of Delegates to Congress 1774-1789, Paul H. Smith, editor, Library of Congress, 1985

Minutes of the Albany Committee of Correspondence 1775-1778, compiled by James Sullivan, State Historian, 1923

No Turning Point: The Saratoga Campaign in Perspective, Theodore Corbett. 2012

Papers of Philip Schuyler, New York Public Library Digital Collections, Letter book #1 and #2

Proud Patriot: Philip Schuyler and the War of Independence 1775-1783, Don R. Gerlach. 1987

Revolutionary War Journal – Non-Profit Dedicated to Historical Education of the American Revolution and the Colonial Period

The 3rd New Jersey in New-York: Stories from ‘The Jersey Greys” on 1776, Philip D. Weaver, 2020

The American Journals of Lt. John Enys, compiled by Elizabeth Cometti, 1976

The Battle for the Fourteenth Colony, Mark R. Anderson, 2013